To understand why Australia’s political debate has become so unproductive, it helps to understand what the far left and the far right actually believe — and, just as importantly, what most Australians actually think.
The political spectrum is real. There are genuine, deeply held differences in values between those on the left and those on the right. These differences deserve honest examination. What doesn’t deserve our attention — at least not the outsized attention it currently receives — is the assumption that the extremes represent the mainstream.
What the Far Left Actually Believes
The far left — sometimes called the hard left or radical left — generally holds that capitalism is fundamentally unjust and must be replaced or radically transformed, not merely reformed. Far-left positions in the Australian context typically include the abolition or radical defunding of police, open borders immigration policy, collective or state ownership of major industries, and an aggressive redistribution of wealth through taxation and social programs.
In cultural terms, the far left often embraces identity politics in its most absolute form — the idea that race, gender, and sexuality are the primary lenses through which all of society should be understood and reorganised. This can manifest as the rejection of objective standards in favour of group-based outcomes, or the active suppression of speech deemed harmful to historically marginalised groups.
These are genuinely held views with intellectual traditions behind them. They also represent a small minority of Australian public opinion. Most Australians support a welfare state, regulated capitalism, and anti-discrimination law — without supporting the abolition of property rights or the idea that Western civilisation is irredeemably oppressive.
What the Far Right Actually Believes
The far right — sometimes called the hard right or radical right — generally holds that national identity, cultural continuity, and ethnic or civilisational homogeneity are values that must be defended against liberal multiculturalism and globalisation. In the Australian context, far-right positions typically include strong opposition to immigration (sometimes in explicitly ethnic or religious terms), scepticism of democratic institutions that are seen as captured by elites, and a vision of Australia as a specifically Western Christian nation whose character must be preserved.
In economic terms, the far right can combine nationalist protectionism with opposition to the welfare state, or alternatively with a kind of authoritarian economic nationalism. The common thread is the prioritisation of the nation and the in-group over universalist or cosmopolitan values.
Again, these are genuinely held views with long historical traditions. And again, they represent a small minority of actual Australian opinion. Most Australians support controlled immigration, value Australia’s multicultural character, and believe in the rule of law and democratic institutions — without supporting ethnic nationalism or the dismantling of liberal democracy.
Where Most Australians Actually Sit
Survey after survey shows the same thing: most Australians hold a mix of views that don’t fit neatly into either extreme camp. They support Medicare and public education (left-leaning), but also want controlled borders and fiscal responsibility (right-leaning). They believe in equal rights and anti-discrimination protections, but are sceptical of identity politics that seem to divide rather than unite. They want action on climate change, but are worried about the cost of living and economic disruption.
This is not “the mushy middle” — it is a coherent, pragmatic set of values held by the majority of a complex, democratic society. The fact that it doesn’t generate hot takes and viral content doesn’t make it less real or less valid.
Why This Matters
When media coverage frames every political question as a battle between the far left and the far right, it does two things. First, it misrepresents Australian society, making people feel like they’re surrounded by extremists when they’re mostly surrounded by people very much like themselves. Second, it gradually normalises extreme positions, shifting what seems like “the centre” further and further toward the poles.
Understanding the extremes is important — not so that we can join them, but so that we can clearly see them for what they are: minority positions that have been given a megaphone by media organisations that profit from conflict. Once you can see that clearly, the manufactured outrage starts to lose its power.
